Current political issues in Nepal

Despite the democratic nature of elections for the constituent assembly in April 2008, the subsequent peaceful removal of the King and the election of Prime Minister Prachanda on the 15th of August 2008 there remain several key challenges for the government of the new Republic of Nepal if the peace process is to be consolidated and the country to move towards increased stability.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission

The creation of the a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is widely acknowledged as a key initiative in establishing the facts about human rights and humanitarian law abuses that occurred during the conflict, ensuring that the perpetrators are held accountable and that full reparation is provided to the victims. However, the first draft of the TRC bill dated July 2007 attracted criticism from many human rights organisations due to its failure to comply with international human rights standards. The second draft of December 2007, although an improvement, did not fully take these considerations into account, and the challenge remains to ensure the TRC – if and when it is established – is a non-partisan commission that effectively challenges impunity. However, the future development of any TRC under a Maoist government remains uncertain.

Military integration

The entry of Maoist forces into the national army was first agreed upon as part of the November 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. However, the integration of former rebels into the national army remains an issue of much contention. Around 20,000 members of the Maoist People's Liberation Army are confined to U.N.-monitored ceasefire camps. Meanwhile, the size of the standing army is already much inflated, having increased from about 50,000 troops when fighting broke out in 1996, to its current level of 93,000 (www.pulitzercenter.org, 17th June 2008). There are fears within both the army high command and the political opposition that a merger of the two forces could create a large group within the national army whose loyalties are questionable. In January 2008, the Nepal Army chief, Gen. Rookmangud Katawal, spoke out strongly against the integration (www.pulitzercenter.org, 17th June 2008). Such concerns were compounded when a central Maoist leader, Barsaman Pun, was quoted saying that the PLA would be raised as a separate state security agency alongside the existing agencies of the Nepal Army, the Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force (Kathmandu Post; June 14th, 2008). Subsequently there has been some movement on this thorny issue and agreement was reached on forming a high-level committee comprising all political parties to work out a framework for integration of the Nepal Army and the PLA (Kathmandu Post; June 18th, 2008). This needs to include credible civil reintegration alternatives, alongside agreements on the details of military integration.

Young Communist League

The Young Communist League (YCL), the youth wing of the Maoist movement is still much feared across the country, particularly since its involvement in beating and intimidating its political opposition in the run-up to the April 2008 election. A commitment from the Maoists to reign in this group was one of the major conditions the other political parties (National Congress and United Marxist-Leninist) had set for cooperation with the Maoists in forming a new consensus government. Positive progress was made on June 17th 2008 when the Maoist second-in-command, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, said his party had agreed to demilitarise the YCL (Kathmandu Post, June 18th). However, there remains some question regarding the extent to which the Maoist leadership still retains control over this group and whether they will in fact be able to fulfil this pledge.

Demands for regional autonomy

The new republic will also have to deal with the growing demands for an autonomous Terai region in the plains bordering India. The majority ethnic group in the Terai, the Madhesi, has been demanding greater autonomy for the region and better representation for marginalised groups since 2007. While the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) secured a strong position in the Constituent Assembly elections, other groups are resorting to less democratic means. Demands recently took a more ominous turn when Jwala Singh faction of the armed and outlawed Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-J) issued an ultimatum, demanding that all non-Madhesi people living in the Terai vacate the plains within a week or face dire consequences (Press statement JTMM-J; June 21st, 2008). Although this threat has not been carried out yet, it has severely curtailed the field activities of human rights organisations and raised new security concerns. Subsequently the Medhesi have now gained increased representation with the appointment of the first President and Vice President of the new republic going to members of the Medhesi ethnic group. However, it seems doubtful that this alone will bring an end to long-standing unrest and violent protests in the region. Indeed, the institutionalisation of rights and opportunities for ethnic and regional groups in Nepal will be delicate and difficult process (International Crisis Group, “Nepal’s New Political Landscape, July 3rd 2008).